The family history of the Chins and Haddocks in Australia: Chin-Haddock family-Ch.5: Captain Sir Richard Plumleigh

Richard Plumleigh- Captain Sir Richard Plumleigh, Admiral of the fleet

This chapter concerns one member of the Plumleigh family. Captain Richard Plumleigh who became a well-documented sea captain and admiral in the King’s Navy in the 1620’s and 1630's. While he is not a direct ancestor of Land Plumleigh, he was first cousin to one of her ancestors, and a descendant of their mutual forefather, John Plumleigh of Dartmouth born early 16th century.

John Plumleigh the elder of Dartmouth had seven sons by two marriages. John Plumleigh Senior’s sons by his first marriage were Thomas, William and Robert Plumleigh, from whom Land Plumleigh descended.
Richard was the son of John Plumleigh’s son John Plumleigh Jun. from his second marriage to Anne Fortescue. William Plumleigh, the Mayor of Dartmouth, son of William Plumleigh the elder, described Captain Richard Plumleigh as his cousin, and showed the family relationship in the family tree published in the Visitation of Devon in 1620.

NB mother given for Richard Plumleigh incorrect- see below for explanation

John Plumleigh the younger married firstly Barbara Eyve who died in 1610, and secondly Mary/Margaret Martin (daughter of Nicholas Martin of Exeter) who died in 1638. The two wives were buried in St Petrox Church Dartmouth. John Plumleigh died 1641/2.

Plumleigh Memorials in St Petrox Parish Church, Dartmouth:

The following information comes from Devon Notes and Queries: a Quarterly Journal devoted to the Local History, Biography and Antiquities of the County of Devon, Vol. IV- from January 1906 to October 1907, Edited by P.F.S. Amery and John S. Amery and J. Brooking, pub Exeter 1907, Volume IV , page 70-71

The Memorial Brasses Found in the Church of St Petrock, Dartmouth:

BARBARA PLUMLEIGH: She was the first wife of John Plumleigh, and daughter of Stephen Eyre, probably of a family so called located at Umberleigh North Devon, and died, according to the inscription, the third day of September 1610.

John Plumleigh, her husband, was seventh son of John Plumleigh of Dartmouth, and who is described as living in 1620, “ Nunc Maior, of Dartmouth”;

there were four children (of John Plumleigh Jun.) then alive, and he was surviving in 1633.

Of these-

1.Richard, son and heir, was aged 24 in 1620; he married Elizabeth (died 1664?- remarried into a Catholic family and was categotised as a papist), daughter of William Nutbrowne (possibly of Stanway Hall, Essex), by whom he had two sons, Charles and Philip, and a daughter, Elizabeth.

2. George, of Dartmouth, aged 19, 1620, married Joan- by whom he had a son John, his will dated 1632-3, proved 1649.

3.Anne, married Nicholas Ford, of Ford

4.Barbara (called after her mother) aged 16, 1620, married Thomas Woodward, of London.

NB. Barbara Eyre was the mother of Richard Plumleigh, not Margaret Martin. Although the Visitation of Devon in 1620 family tree (below) shows that John’s sons Richard Plumleigh and George Plumleigh were the sons of his second wife Margaret Martin, the article above states that Richard was born in 1596 (aged 24 in 1620) and George was born in 1601 (aged 19 in 1620) and were the sons of Barbara Eyve.

John Plumleigh, married secondly, apparently about two months after his first wife’s decease, on 17 Dec. 1610, Margaret, daughter of Nicholas Martin of Exetor, relict of John Ellacott, merchant of Exetor, by whom he had one daughter, Jane, married to Nicholas Roope. John's will, Nov. 1641 proved 1641-2.

In the Memorial, Barbara wears a kind of French hood with dependent cover-chief, ruff, and richly embroidered stomacher and petticoat, with fathingale over, close sleeves with cuffs, the hands raised in prayer, the feet in shoes with rosettes. Below the epitaph are the two groups of her children. Two boys with cloaks and collars, tight hose and shoes, and four girls in hoods and gowns.

‘Here lyeth the Bodye of Barbara, the Wife of John Plumleighe, of Dartmouth, who departed thirde daye of September, Anno domini, 1610.

Here lyeth the wife of John Plumleigh, who Barbara had to name,

Whose virtuous life and godly death, hath left her last’g fa’e,

Of rich and poor shee was beloved, to y’one a neighbou’ kind,

To the other still in all distresse, a tender harted frinde,

Two sons and daughters 4 shee bare, unto her husband deare,

And dyed when age had neer runne out, y’foure and xxx yeare,

Whose corp, though thou O death destroy, yet Christ shall raise againe,

And it conjoyne with soul in blisse, for ever to remaine,

For death to life a passage is, as scriptures all accord,

Blest are the dead threfor that die in favour of y’ Lord.

Bene est ei quo brevi luget.”

There are no arms, but they are described as: Argent or ermine, a bend fusiily gules; crest, An arm embowed, vested gules, cuffed argent, holding in the hand proper an arrow of the first, sans feathers, headed of the second

Introduction to this article:

The ancient borough of Dartmouth, with its splendid and almost unequalled river, caused it at early date to become in maritime importance scarcely second to any found on the southern coast. The facility this afforded for intercourse with nations “beyond the seas” naturally brought together merchant adventurers of considerable influence, whose shipping lined the quays of its noble harbour. Towards the close of the sixteenth and early in the seventeenth centuries, a numerous class of influential “marchants’ had their residences, when in the flesh, within the precincts of the ancient borough, and its associated surroundings; and when “life’s fitful fever over” found their last resting places in the interesting old churches therein existing; and several memorials laid down in commemoration of them are still found over their dust. Of the three Monumental brasses in the picturesque old church of St Petrock, as far as the writer knows, no illustration of the has been undertaken; they occur at the east end of the fabric and adjoin each other, and their closeness together suggests a family relationship existing between those they commemorate. (viz. John Rouse, Barbara’s son-in-law)

On the north side is a second tablet with the inscription:- Hereunder lyeth ye Body of Margaret, the second wife of John Plumleigh of Dartmouth, Gentleman, who was the daughter of Nicholas Martin of Exon, Esq.: who departed this life ye 25 of February 1638. She lived vertuosly and died Godly.

Although the Visitation of Devon in 1620 family tree shows that John’s sons Richard Plumleigh and George Plumleigh were the sons of his second wife Margaret Martin, the article above states that Richard was born in 1596 (aged 24 in 1620) and George was born in 1601 (aged 19 in 1620) and were the sons of Barbara Eyve.

Family tree of the sons and grandsons of John Plumleigh/Plumley of Dartmouth

Signature of Capt. Richard Plumleigh

Richard Plumleigh married Elizabeth Nuthrowne daughter of William Nuthrowne.

The article in Devon Notes and Queries quoted above, states that they had two sons named Charles and Philip and a daughter Elizabeth:

Documents re Feoffees of St Petrox in Devon Record Office (ref. 1163/F/.)

42) 1163 F/L41 1649 Indenture of lease between a. Feoffees (inc. Nicholas Roope) and b. Robert Clapp, Baker of Walfleet.

Considn: surrender of lease of term of 99 years on lives of Charles Plumleigh, son of Sir Richard Plumleigh, Kt. Of London.[i]
A further record (see 'petition to the king' below, near end of chapter) shows that they also had a daughter named Eleanor who married an Alex Gordon of London. Whether Elizabeth and Eleanor were one and the same is uncertain.

Richard was born in 1596 (aged 24 in 1620- Devon Notes and Queries 1907). After attending Exeter College, Oxford, Richard Plumleighe of Dartmouth was admitted to the Inner Temple, one of the Inns of Court, on 26 November 1614. (Inner Temple Admissions Database [ii])

Numerous records are contained in State Papers Domestic Series, James I, and Charles I, concerning Richard Plumleigh and his naval career. Many of his letters are to Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary to the Admiralty, and clerk of the Privy Council with duties relating to admiralty business. His letters reveal that Plumleigh had a wonderful turn of phrase in his letters, and displayed a quite dramatic flair when making a point.

The first record when he was still quite young, would display Richard’s rather tempestuous nature by which he would become renowned.
Captain George Percy, the youngest son of the 8th Earl of Northumberland, was one of the original settlers in 1607 of Jamestown in the colony of Virginia. After suffering much hardship, wars with local Indian tribes, and periods of starvation, he returned to England in 1612. Percy had been prone to illness since a young child and was also susceptible to anger as well. When Richard Plumleigh slandered Percy's brother's (the 9th Earl) recently deceased wife in 1619, Percy challenged him to a duel, but the Privy Council stepped in to prevent bloodshed.

24 August 1619[iii]

A warrant to William Mason and Henry Feake, two of the messengers of his Majestie’s chamber to apprehend the person of Richard Plumleigh, gentleman, and to carry him forthwith to the Gate house, there to remain until further order etc.

Following this, a further record had:

?Aug 1619[iv]

Certificate that the above quarrel, being about some words spoken by Plumleigh against the late Countess of Northumberland, the Earl has accepted his submission, and pardoned him.

And, ?Aug 1619[v]

Certificate that the quarrel between Rich. Plumleigh and Capt. Percy is extinguished by the care of Sir Hen. Thynne and Capt. Leake.

And, ?Aug 1619[vi]

Petition of Rich. Plumleigh to the Council, to revoke a warrant for his appearance before them, the quarrel for which he was summoned being settled.

Sometime afterwards, Plumleigh served with the Archduchess Isabella in the Spanish Netherlands. This would lead to accusations of popery later on.

On 24 April 1625 we see the first record of his naval career:[vii]

James Bagg to Edward Nicholas.

Recommends Mr Plumleigh for command of one of the colliers, in the intended sea expedition to Cadiz, in which he participated in an unauthorised assault.

A collier was a flat bottom ship, such as a coal carrier (eg. The Bounty)

In 1625, Richard Plumleigh was given command of the Dreadnought. The galleon Dreadnought was first launched in 1573 and participated in the Spanish Armada in 1588. It was rebuilt at Deptford in 1614, classed as a ‘middling ship’ (ie, third rank ship) of 32 guns, 360 tons, 80'x30', full sailing ship, with a complement of 200.

Wikipedia has the following:

In October 1625, with renewed hostilities against Spain, the Dreadnought took part in another expedition to Cadiz, this time under a captain named Plumleigh, as part of a fleet commanded by Edward Cecil Viscount Wimbledon and George Villiers Duke of Buckingham. “Buckingham wanted to emulate the actions of Francis Drake by seizing the main Spanish port at Cadiz and burning the fleet in its harbour. Though the plan was tactically sound, landing further up the coast and marching the militia army on the city, the troops were ill equipped, ill-disciplined and ill-trained and the attack was called off when the troops got drunk after raiding a warehouse full of wine.” The Spanish defenders of Cadiz fell upon them, slaughtering many. The English army briefly occupied a small port further down the coast before re-boarding its ships, abandoning the mission in embarrassing failure. In the middle of November, Cecil ordered the ships to return to England. It was a complete fiasco and had cost a lot of money. Parliament met in a state of seething discontent at Buckingham’s mismanagement of the Cadiz expedition. Sir John Eliot, member for St Germans in Cornwall, had witnessed the return of the fleet to Plymouth after the debacle and had seen the men, diseased and half-starved, staggering off their ships, some dying in the streets, and placed all the blame on Buckingham. An attempt to impeach Buckingham failed.

In June 1627 the Dreadnought took part in the unsuccessful attempt to relieve the Siege of La Rochelle on the Atlantic coast of France by sea. The Huguenots of that town had taken over its administration and were engaged in a struggle for their religious liberty with the French king. After another disastrous debacle, during which an estimated 4,000 Englishmen were killed, the remainder made their way back to Portsmouth and Plymouth. It was the second disaster attributed to Buckingham in the space of two years.

14 Dec 1627, Captain Richard Plumleigh to the Duke of Buckingham:[viii]

Was forced to leave his own ship at Plymouth, and take a passage in the St. Anthony, a pinnance to Capt. Pennington’s squadron. Relates an encounter with a Dunkirker mounting 26 guns, with whom they fought all night, but ultimately escaped by running ashore in Studland Bay. He took command after the captain was killed during the fight and the crew were intending to surrender.

In 1628, Plumleigh was accused of being a Catholic. On 14 April he wrote to Sir Edward Nicholas from the Dreadnought:[ix]

In further refutation of the information alluded to. When Plumleigh served the Archduchess, his public profession of the Protestant faith drew him into suspicion of being a spy. Appeals to his bringing up in Exeter College, Oxford, and the Inner Temple, and the knowledge of him possessed by Capt. Pennington. The informer can be no man, but some “gallimaufry, made up of fool, knave, and coward, which Plumleigh would gladly approve with his sword if he once durst discover his slanderous head”. Now in Margate Road, ready to sail when the Earl of Carlisle chooses to come.

He also supplied a Certificate of Humphrey Wheatley, vicar of Sir John’s Margate, with Peter Rogers his curate, and “Fobs. Digges, clerk of the passage”, that Capt. Plumleigh with his Lieutenant and servants received the holy communion at that church open that Easter Day 1628, April 13.[x]

14 April 1628 Capt. Richard Plumleigh, aboard the Dreadnought, to Lord Buckingham.

In answer to someone who had informed the Duke that Plumleigh was disaffected to the Church of England, and therefore unfit for the command of a King’s ship. He has sent the Duke, by Nicholas, a certificate when he last received the communion, and protests that he never held a tenet dissonant to the doctrine of the Reformed Church. [xi]

He must have discovered the author of the accusation and dealt with him, resulting in his arrest:

7 July 1628- Petition of Capt. Rich. Plumleigh to the King.[xii]

The King having convented(?) him for assaulting Miles Hobart, and the Council having committed him to the Marshalsea (Prison in Southwark), the petitioner prays the King to consider that for 15 years he has endeavoured to enable himself for the Kings service, and that this gentleman has done what in him lay to put him to a civil death by continual disparagement and rendering him unfit for the King’s employing, a thing worse than death. His provocations in taverns and ordinaries have caused the petitioner to forget himself in his way of revenge. He begs the King’s pardon and prays for his release.

He must have soon been released as he reported to Edward Nicholas on 15 Nov. 1628 on the results on their late expedition in which four vessels were lost.

While preparing for another assault on La Rochelle in the summer of 1628, during which a fleet was fitted out at Plymouth, on 23 August the duke of Buckingham was murdered in Portsmouth, much to the celebration and joy of the people. In the early autumn of 1628, a third expedition was sent to the besieged town and was no more successful than its predecessors.

(Also refer to Peter Ackroyd, The History of England, Volume III: Civil War, pp114-144)

The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1604-1629, ed. Andrew Thrush and John P. Ferris, 2010 explained the incident:[xiii]

On 1 May 1628, in a debate in committee on the bill for the subject’s liberty, Sir Miles Hobart lined himself up with the government’s critics by arguing that the cause for committing a man to prison should be stated in the warrant. On 9 June, Sir Miles Hobart impugned the loyalty and described as papists two of the Navy’s captains. One of them, Richard Plumleigh, was sufficiently incensed to assault Hobart after the prorogation. Edward Nicholas is not known to have served on any committees on this Parliament, but he spoke several times on behalf of Buckingham. In a committee of the whole House on 5 June, he refuted the allegation that papists had been given commands in the Navy: “I know not one; nay, the duke commanded me to inquire any such were”. Four days later he was called on to explain the defence of the Narrow Seas and the costs involved and said the lord admiral would be glad of the advice of the House in this matter. He attempted an explanation of Capt. Richard Plumleigh’s actions aboard the St Anthony in 1627, denying that he was a recusant as “he received the sacrament”.

Another report of the accusation:

9 June 1628-[xiv]

Mr Valentine (said) Captain Richard Plumleigh (Capt of the Dreadnought) that is now a sea captain has fought well on the Archduchess’s side, is a papist.

Mr Richard Plumleigh was in a ship in a late fight and the captain was slain, and the mariners would have yielded, and Plumleigh said he would rather blow up the ship and thereby it was saved. As for his service to the Archduchess, it was a great while ago. He now went with the Lord Carlisle* and by the command of the Duke (Buckingham) I wrote down to him to know if he was a recusant. He denied that he was, and he received the sacrament.

Plumleigh had conveyed James Hay Earl of Carlisle to Antwerp in May 1628.)

Mr Matthew said “I know Captain Plumleigh. He did serve under the Archduchess, but I think now he is no papist”.

Despite the accusations, Plumleigh became a favourite with the King.

The author of “The Navy under Charles I 1625-40” , Andrew Derek Thrush, wrote that:[xv]

Shortly after the establishment of the Admiralty Commission, the King limited the right of its members to appoint captains. The Commissioners were to be permitted to choose captains during periods of modest naval activity, but they were to defer to Charles at times of greater service’. It was in accordance with this pronouncement, even if it was significantly at variance with the authority previously enjoyed by Lord Buckingham, that the captains of the first three Ship Money fleets (1635-7) were selected by the King rather than by the Commissioners. But if was a departure from his earlier promise that in May 1629, Charles insisted that Richard Plumleigh be allowed to command one of the ships of the Channel squadron. In 1632 Charles appointed all the captains of the Channel Guard himself.

In May 1629, Plumleigh wrote to Nicholas[xvi] stating that he had been earnest with the Earl of Dorset to put him into Capt. Pennington’s squadron, but he makes difficulty of it, and says he moved it to the rest of the Lords Commissioners, but they would not agree to alter anything. Therefore begs his commission be despatched. The Earl of Dorset has forced upon him for lieutenant one Jacob Lovell, with which he must have patience perforce.

On 5 June 1629, he complained to Nicholas that:[xvii]

The Fleet there is fully provided of nothing. Grieves to see the King’s provisions eaten up in a harbor. Has no mind to be one of the King’s harbor captains whose idleness draws infamy on themselves and their nation.

On 9 June 1629. Plumleigh complained to Nicholas about not receiving any orders and being stuck in Portsmouth:[xviii]

Intreats that he may be quit of that jail. Would rather be imprisoned anywhere than in the cursed town of Portsmouth. Has victual only for three weeks, and the victualler will put no more aboard without money. Lies like one in Epicuri intermundiis, not certain whether he be living or dead. This is the second packet he has sent, the number of which shall be past all arithmetic to sum up, except he gets an answer.

On June 15, Plumleigh complains further:[xix]

Wonders that neither the clamour of the pillaged merchants nor the dishonourable expense of victuals and wages in harbour, is able to procure him a dispatch from Portsmouth. If Sir Paul Harris be not quickened, the writer must resolve to die there. His charge is great, and his cause to tarry none had he but powder and bullet. Begs Nicholas to consider the penance he is put to there, to imitate the garrison of Portsmouth, he means, to lie as lazily in the harbour as they do in the town. Prays him to deliver him of this abortive employment, which he verily conceives will prove a nautical embryo.

letter to Nicholas 16 June 1629 showing signature

On July 28, 1629, Plumleigh from the Dreadnought,[xx] reported that he had landed the Venetian ambassador at Calais. The ships of war of Dunkirk and Ostend are all laid up in harbour, for want of money to send them out; only two or three small sloops of Graveslines pester the narrow seas between Blackness and Dungeness, and take English and Hollanders daily. Calais merchants dare not pass their goods to Dover for fear of them. Suggests that one of the Whelps should be commanded to ride in Calais-road and ply between the forenamed places.

Many of his letters to Nicholas complain of lack of supplies. He wrote from the Dreadnought on 17 Sept 1629,[xxi] begging immediate supply. Hopes he shall be the last man that shall “ be sent out of England with a bag of bread, a bottle of drink, and the wind in his pocket.”

Mutiny aboard the Dreadnought.

On 24 Sept 1629 Plumleigh reported to the Lords of the Admiralty, that:[xxii]

According to their order, he commanded his company to set sail for Portsmouth, which, being in distress for victuals they utterly refused to do. In spite of all persuasions they haled the boats from the ship’s stern and resolved to run on shore. Was forced to make use of his sword, and by wounding the most forwardest repressed the insolency of the rest. Has since attempted to gain Portsmouth, but being forced back into the Downs by weather, found an order from Sir All Apsley for seven days victual. Begs that there may be sent to Portsmouth all things necessary for “so long a voyage, especially towards winter.”

26 Sept 1629- ready to sail for Portsmouth- Plumleigh to Nicholas.[xxiii]

Begs him (Nicholas) to assure the Ambassador transporting Sir Francis Cottingham to Spain) that there is not a sounder nor stronger ship, nor fitter for the rolling Spanish sea, than the Dreadnought.

3 October 1629- to Nicholas.[xxiv]

Has come to London to know the Ambassador’s pleasure about his provisions, but dare not be seen in Court till he has some accoutrements made.

3 October 1629 Capt Richard Plumleigh to Sir John Heydon.[xxiv]

The Dreadnought being appointed to transport Sir Francis Cottington to Spain, begs him to give warrant for the exchange of eight demi-culverins (medium sized cannons) of iron in the Dreadnought for so many of brass out of any of the ships which lie in Portsmouth. The Warspite is the best able to spare them.

In November 1629, Plumleigh and two other captains were accused of the illegal conveyance of merchant goods in their holds and evading customs:[xxv]

7 November 1629- Memorial of goods received into the Dreadnought, the Adventure, and the Fourth Lion’s Whelp, by their captains, Plumleigh, Mennes and James Bamford, and landed in England for the use of merchants, to the prejudice of the customs.

This was possibly their only means of recouping their losses.

A reward from the King:
17 February 1630

Warrant of the Lords of the Admiralty. The King having given Capt Richard Plumleigh two sums of £150 and £90 formerly imprested to him, warrant is to be given to the Treasurer of the Navy to take off those sums from his entertainment, and to give him bills for the same, as a reward from his Majesty. (SP 16/161 f. 25 )

Andrew D. Thrush wrote:[xxvi]

The only captain who was ever reimbursed the cost of feeding an ambassadorial entourage was Richard Plumleigh, who was given £240 after transporting Lord Cottington to Spain in 1629 (SP 16/161/16 17 Feb 1630 The gratuity was paid in two instalments of £90 and £150).

By 17 April 1630, Plumleigh was captain of the Convertive or Convertine[xxvii] (renamed from The Destiny, built in 1616 for Sir Walter Raleigh’s last voyage to Venezuela in search of El Dorado, and acquired by the Navy in 1620). The Convertine was classed as a 'middling ship', 30 guns.. (NB. S.P. has Convertive, Wikipedia has Convertine)

A William Willett wrote to Nicholas reporting: The Convertive is ready, only staying for a wind. Capt. Plumleigh is as able a man as ever was employed in those parts, and free from baseness. Sent in a box a mermaid’s hand with a rib, which is said to be good to make rings for the cramp and to stop blood, with some other virtues.

On 22 April 1630 Plumleigh reported to the Lords of the Admiralty, from the Convertive riding in King Road:[xxviii]

Great difficulty of getting out of Bristol. Set sail out of Hung Road with the wind at east, and the help of eight tow boats, and sixty yokes of oxen, notwithstanding all which the ship was in great hazard of being lost. The channel a mere ditch, with at low water but four or five feet of water. Never knew what hearty fear meant till then. Is now ready to take the first wind to put the ship into the channel, which wind he prays for as heartily as for his daily bread.

6 June 1630 Plumleigh complains again to Nicholas:[xxix]

Is heartily sorry and partly ashamed that the State can find no more considerable employment for the Convective and the Tenth Whelp than the wastage of Sir Philip Carteret. Incloses a copy of a letter that he may see in what sort the writer was forced to quicken him. No greater misery can befall an active man than an employment of this nature, in which there is neither honour nor profit, nor service to be done to the country. Rather than be thus pitifully set a-work would desire to stay at home. … a fitter charge for a patch than a King’s sip to convoy. God amend this, or end his employment!

6 June 1630 Capt Richard Plumleigh in a terse letter to Sir Philip Carteret:[xxx]

The State is much abused by his stay and himself much slighted. The West Country is plagued by Dunkirkers (Dunkirk privateers who were raiders in the service of the Spanish Monarchy), and it were better that Sir Philip should suffer than the generality of the kingdom exclaim. Has expected him six days. If he comes not on the morrow, farewell. The writer is no man’s servant but the King’s.

On 7 July 1630 Sir Philip Carteret wrote to Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary to the Lords of the Admiralty, from Jersey:[xxxi]

I received information from Mr Nicolls that Captain Plumleigh has written bitterly against me in a letter to you. These things were acted upon a sudden, but after our first meeting we understood one another better. These things are now forgotten betwixt us, and therefore I will not say what haste I made to come to him, how he was misinformed in the tobacco-clay, what munition and materials I carried over etc. He is a noble gentleman, used us nobly, and the end did much sweeten the beginnings, which were somewhat too bitter. For Captain Plumleigh I may Add that of all seamen in England he deserves to be employed, and I wish I may deserve the continuance of your love.

Aug 10 1630

Sir Henry Mervyn to the Lords of the Admiralty[xxxii]

Have instructed Capt Plumleigh to ply between the Land’s End and Portland Point. State of the victualing of the several vessels under his command. Begs they may be supplied at Portsmouth.

Aug 13, 1630, Plumleigh to Nicholas.[xxxiii]

Had orders from Sir Henry Mervyn to go for the westward Has put in there (Isle of Wight) to take in some water to drink, for all their beer stinks, and he hears nothing from Alcock. The men are all in an uproar, but he feeds them with fair words till he can get to Plymouth, where, if he finds no order for beer, he shall be sure of a plain mutiny.

Sir Henry Mervyn to Nicholas accusing Plumleigh (10 Aug):[xxxiv]

He loves to make a noise of nothing. He has Captains that know neither how to command nor how to obey. Intreats him, if he loves the honour of the service, to solicit that their ships may be victualed at Portsmouth.

Plumleigh and his ship the Convertine/Convertive were constantly in demand protecting coastal shipping from the Dunkirkers.

Aug 29 1630[xxxv]

Fourteen sail of Dunkirkers “gotten out”. Twelve Biscayers lie at the mouth of the Channel to intercept the poor people ready to come in from Newfoundland. The Lords should command some other ships down, or revictual the Convective for six weeks longer, by which time the Newfoundland ships will all be at home.

Sept 18 1630[xxxvi]

The Newfoundland men have arrived. The western coast has not lost so much as a boat for the three months that he has had it in guard.

‘

March 13 1631- The Convertive- Capt Sir Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas:[xxxvii]

They have arrived at Portland and tomorrow intend to put into Portsmouth. The Ambassador is come home in good health and very rich. They have brought in plate £80,000 sterling, which he conceives is for the King. Their passage was short: but 11 days. The solemnities at Madrid on the Ambassador’s departure and his receipt at the King’s charge in his whole journey will all be trumpeted by Sir R. Winde who brings this, viva voce.

14 March 1631 Portsmouth- Captain Sir Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas re his expenses:[xxxviii]

Thanks for his good wishes, but he is £360 in debt more than when he undertook the employment. Hopes his Majesty will give him means to breathe in his service.

Andrew D. Thrush commented:[xxxix]

Not everyone was repaid in full. In 1631 Capt Plumleigh protested that he was £360 out of pocket. He subsequently secured a Privy Seal for repayment, which was misleadingly styled a ‘free gift’, but it was for just £300, of which only £200 was ever paid. (Warrant, dated 23 March 1632; Payment 26 April 1632. Plumleigh even had to badger Pye once payment had been warranted)

In 1631 Plumleigh transferred to command of the Antelope (A galleon, classified as a ‘middling ship’ of 450 tons, 92'x32', crew of 160 officers and men , 34 guns. Launched in 1547, rebuilt in 1558 and 1618, participated against Spanish Armada 1588)

HMS Antelope c.1546

24 May 1631, Clatham- Capt Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas:

Slow progress of the Antelope. They have neither ammunition, sails, cables, nor men, only provisions of victual are there, so that they may eat for the King though they cannot fight for him. Begs him to inform the Lords of that neglect. [xl]

29 Aug 1631 The Antelope in Stokes Bay[xli]

Capt Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas:

The western coast, being clear of Turks or pirates, he has put into Portsmouth, where he has taken in a month’s provisions, and is about to repair to the Downs for two months more. The Newfoundland fleet is looked for home about the middle of September. There has been a French man-of-war about Plymouth, looking what preparations we make. On Friday last, two Hollanders stole away under Cowes Castle a small Dunkirker from St Lucar, laden with salt, oil, and wine, but having in her two boxes of diamonds, and ready money of the value of £50,000. Certainly she was betrayed by her own company. Desires to hear what the Lords intend doing with him.

Sept 1631- The Antelope at Gore End- Capt Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas:[xlii]

Hears there are French ships of war about the western coast, and grieves from his heart’s blood that he is not at liberty to have a fling at them. They are rascally small ships, and it would be a brave sight to see them kiss the bottom.

In November 1632, Richard Plumleigh was appointed as Admiral of the Channel fleet, and was now captain of the Victory. The Victory was classed as a ‘Great Ship’ (later second rank ship), 42 guns, 870 tons, 108'x37'6", launched in 1620 and first commissioned in 1627.

HMS Victory c 1620

26 Nov 1632- Lords of the Admiralty to Captain Richard Plumleigh, Admiral of the Victory, employed for foreign service:[xliii]

The ships under his charge are to be the Victory, Bonaventure, Dreadnought and St Dennis, which he is to dispose of according to instructions which he shall shortly receive. If he should meet in any part of the Narrow Seas with the Convertine, in which Capt Pennington commands as Admiral of those seas, Plumleigh is to take in his flag and to continue it furled whilst in sight of that ship, it being an ancient honour and privilege belonging only to that Admiral to carry the flag in the main top in those seas.

The above appointment may have put some noses out of joint. A letter from Capt Henry Stradling to Capt John Pennington 9 December 1632:[xliv]

Professes attachment and begs to be excused for not waiting his happy return. Before he receives this will hear of Capt Plumleigh’s gallant employment, he means in regard of his command. He is ignorant of the design. Some recent circumstances have made Capt Plumleigh’s heart fully open to him. Desires the continuance of Pennington’s favour.

Dec 19 1632- The Victory- Capt Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas:[xlv]

Thanks for satisfying his doubts, since which Capt Pennington is recalled, and Plumleigh’s fleet rides there without any instructions. He ought to have some orders for the Narrow Seas, especially as there daily come in merchant ships, who will haply unload goods to defraud the King of his customs. Will adventure to prohibit them, but he should have particular instructions.

15 February 1633- Lords of the Admiralty to Capt Richard Plumleigh: [xlvi]

To bring the Victory and St Dennis into Chatham for their discharge.

18 February- The Victory in Margate Road- Capt Richard Plumleigh to Sec. Coke: [xlvii]

Expected orders how the fleet should be disposed of. Yesterday directions came to Capt Ketekby and Capt Sydenham, for reducing their numbers of men to 160, but to them not a syllable at all. This and the neglect of Sir Sampson Darrell in sending down the remains for that month has caused the writer to trouble the Sec. All of them, and especially the Dreadnought, stand in great need of provisions. Last week, the Dunkirkers surprised three Dutch West India ships, of six or seven hundred tons apiece, but their lading was but mean. The Dutch Ambassador, shipped there on Saturday, may very well light into the Dunkirker’s hands, who are fifteen sail strong in the channel.

20 February 1632- The Victory- Capt Richard Plumleigh to Nicholas:[xlviii]

Would bring the two ships for Chatham with the first opportunity of wind and weather. Thanks for his news of the Lord’s care of him, otherwise must have thought of some other course, having been resolved to spend as little time in England this summer as he could. Rather than have failed of an active course, he meant to have put himself to his old trade again and followed foot service, a way of life which he affects but for want of employment at sea.

After the Victory was discharged, in 1632-33, Plumleigh was given command of the Assurance, a 38 gun galleon of ‘middling class’ launched in 1558 and rebuilt in 1604.

Thomas W. Fulton, author of The Sovereignty of the Sea, related:[xlix]

Captain Richard Plumleigh having gone to Calais in 1632 to bring over the corpse of Sir Richard Walker, late British ambassador, in his ship- well named the Assurance- “bestowed some powder on the French flags,” and caused all the French shipping in Calais Road to take in their colours, “at which”, he said, ‘they repined heavily.” Some of the States’ men-of-war also riding in the Road took the side of the French, and sent to Plumleigh to say that they knew no reason why he should demand superiority on that side of the sea, and “threatening” to wear their flags there as well as he. But Plumleigh boldly returned a message- what he called “a cooling card”- to their Admiral, saying that if he showed a Dutch flag there, he “would sink him or be sunk by him,” which caused him to keep his colours close.

12 March 1633- Lords of the Admiralty to Officers of the Navy: [l]

To give warrant to the Treasurer of the Navy to pay Capt Richard Plumleigh, who served as Admiral in the Victory, from the 12 November last, the date of his commission, until the ship was paid off, after the rate of 20s per day.

In April 1633, Plumleigh was given command of the Antelope again and appointed Admiral of the Irish seas.

The Antelope was launched in 1546 and participated against the Spanish Armada in 1588. A Galleon class ‘middling’ ship rebuilt in 1618, 450 tons, 92'x32', compliment of 160 officers and men, 34 guns of various weights of shot.

6 April 1633- Lords of the Admiralty to Capt Richard Plumleigh

Warrant to take the command of the Antelope as Admiral of the ships employed to guard the coast of Ireland. [li]

11 May 1633- Lords of the Admiralty to Capt Richard Plumleigh, Captain of the Antelope and Admiral of the ships employed for guard of the coast of Ireland:[lii]

Instructions. He is to receive directions from Lord Deputy Wentworth for his transportation into that kingdom and after having landed him is to scour the Irish Seas within certain specified limits, to prevent depredations by Turks and pirates. He is to acquaint the Lord Deputy with his proceedings and obey Indirections.

26 August 1633- The Antelope in the Road before Dublin- Capt Richard Plumleigh to the Lords of the Admiralty:[liii]

They have not heard of any English pirates this year to trouble the coast of Ireland, nor till now of any Turks being in the Channel, but yesterday he received intelligence of two which lie about Ushant and Belle Isle. They have been extremely vexed with swarms of paltry Biscayers, who, under pretence of letters of reprisal from the Spaniard against the Hollander, stop the traffic, and use his Majesty’s subjects at their pleasure. In the beginning of the year they came into the port of Dublin and fired a Dutch ship, and seeing some company draw from Dublin discharged a piece of artillery amongst them. Having lately gotten intelligence of a Dutch ship laden with merchandise of value which rode in the mouth of the river of Dublin, on the 29^th July, about midnight, they fell on board, and cutting her cables, carried her off. Having received intelligence by a Bristol ship, the writer directed his course towards the Land’s End. On the last of July he got sight of them, and after a six hour’s chase and a few shot, recovered the Hollander, and in her thirteen of the rascals, and brought them into the port of Dublin. By warrant of the Lord Deputy, he gave possession of the ship to Monk and Cane, officers of the custom house there. An inventory shall be sent to the Lords.

In Letters and Dispatches, Volume I, of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford: [liv]

AD 1633, Lord Wentworth, Lord Deputy of Ireland, wrote: We shall indeed desire a lesser ship than the Antelope; but if it may please my Lords of the Admiralty, no other Admiral or Captain than Sir Richard Plumleigh and Captain James, who have acquit themselves passing well in this Year’s Service, which I desire may be represented to my Lords the Commissioners of the Admitalty.

At the beginning of the following year, 1634, Plumleigh was appointed captain of the Bonaventure and continued as Admiral of the Irish seas. He was now addressed as Sir Richard Plumleigh. Thomas Wentworth, the lord deputy of Ireland, described Plumleigh as a 'man after his own heart'. (S.R.Gardiner, History of England, 1898, 8.39).
Wentworth knighted Plumleigh on 4 August 1633. In a letter from Plumleigh to the Lords of the Admiralty dated August 5, 1633, he was titled Captain Sir Richard Plumleigh.

The Bonaventure was a relatively new ship having been launched in 1621, and was also classed as a ‘Middling Ship’, tonnage unknown but slightly larger than the Antelope, measuring 96'x32'5".

24 February 1633/4 Lords of the Admiralty to Sir Richard Plumleigh:[lv]

Having appointed him captain and admiral of the Bonaventure, employed for guard of the coast of Ireland, he is forthwith to take charge of his ship in dimensions.

Andrew Thrush wrote of one of the ‘perks’ of the job:[lvi]

A few captains were granted nominal command of a castle to supplement their incomes. The Castle and Park at Kinsale came with the job of admiral on the Irish coast. Pennington described it as ‘ye best and only place ye kinge hath to gratify his deserving seamen with, but it was an odd remark in view of the fate of Sir Thomas Button whose tenure of the castle had proved as ruinous as his naval commission. Button’s successor, Richard Plumleigh, was positively dismissive about the benefits to be derived from Castle Park.

27 February 1634 Lords of the Admiralty to Sir Richard Plumleigh:[lvii]

Being appointed captain and admiral in the Bonaventure, he is to proceed aboard the same and take charge of all ships employed for guard of the coast of Ireland.

8 March 1633/4- The Lords of the Admiralty to Sir Richard Plumleigh Admiral in the Bonaventure of all the ships employed for guard of the coast of Ireland: [lviii]

Instructions. He is to go aboard in Tilbury Hope and repair in a straight course to the coast of Ireland, so as to be there by the 14^th inst. On arrival he is to acquaint the Lord Deputy, and perform his directions, scouring the Irish Seas, St George’s Channel and the Severn, and preventing depredations by Turks and pirates. He is to report to the Lords and the Lord Deputy.

6 June 1634- on board the Bonaventure, Blake Road [Bullock Road?], near Dublin

Sir Richard Plumleigh to Secretary Nicholas: [lix]

I am not surprised that the Earl of Dorset should wish for a Command for Sir Beverley Newcomen since I know that he was lately his servant. I do not wish to come into competition with him, but I should be offended if my services were weighed against his. I know the mand, and if fooling and drinking be the way to get commands, let him in God’s name enjoy them. I have risked my life in the King’s service whilst he was lying in bed. Through nSir Geo. Radcliffe’s interest he got command of James’ ship. He may he quieted with some post, and I will add something “to still his bawling’, but if he tries to undermine my influence at Court, I will be personal with him. I am angry about this, and rely on the King’s justice. If I am to be put to constant “pushes and plunges” to subsist, I must learn to hold a plough.

There is no news here but of a Parliament to begin on July 14^th. There are no Turks yet. We have captured some Biscayners, and the coast is very quiet.

Endd. In Nicholas’ hand. Add: For your noble self.

28 June 1634 Sir George Radcliffe to the Lord Deputy: [lx]

Sir Beverly Newcomen and Sir Richard Plumleigh have come to an agreement. Two ships are to be sent to guard Ireland. Sir Richard is to command the greater, and protect the West Coast, whilst Sir Beverley, with the lesser, shall guard the East. Broadhaven and the island of Salthouse shall be the limits. Other conditions were agreed to. The parties ask your consent.

2 July 1634 The Lord Deputy to the Lords of the Admiralty: [lxi]

I have brought about the enclosed compromise between Newcomen and Plumleigh, who both want to succeed Sir Thomas Button as Admiral of Ireland. I hope you will ratify it.

9 September 1634- The Lord Deputy to the Lords of the Admiralty: [lxii]

Sir Richard Plumleigh is now going back to winter quarters. He has done excellent service. Merchants on the West Coast of Ireland have been absolutely free from molestation. He seized a ship of the Duke of Maqueda, of which I shall at once send particulars. Let the men of his ship be discharged at once, otherwise the loss to the revenue will be very great. Last year I had to pay £1,400 of my own in order to het them discharged. Sir William Russell should be ordered to pay the men off now, though he will not be paid back until Christmas. Please deduct from the charge on the Irish revenue the price of such surplus provisions as are sent back with the ships. If that sum is deducted and I am informed of the net payment due, it shall be made on the right day. A lesser ship than the Bonaventure would do for this coast, and I hope the new one of 400 tons, which is now upon the stocks, will be sent here. Above all things let officers and ships be ready early.

The Spanish ship referred to above is explained in the following letter from Plumleigh and two affidavits:

Calendar State Papers Ireland- Charles I- 1634-1647- page 70 (Vol. CCLIV)
1634, 6 August
Sir Richard Plumleigh to the Earl of Portland, Lord High Treasurer, at Wallingford House
A Spanish ship with corn has lately come into Galway. She says she belongs to the Duke of Maqueda. She is the first ship of Spain I have ever seen come into these ports simply for trade. She took part of her lading back, stole half the customs, and went to the river of Kilmarr to load pipe staves. Here a merchant, Mr Isaac, discovered she was the ship which had robbed him of

£300 and robbed others also, in the White Hart of Bristol. She had also pillaged a ship of Plymouth, and sent her to San Sebastian as a prize. I went to Kilmarr and prepared to fight, but the Spaniard yielded. The Lord Deputy sent an order to me to stay her for illicit trade directly after, so the ship stands forfeited for two capital crimes. She is of 250 tons and well armed. I have sent the documents to Mr Nicholas. (SP Ire 254, 143)
Affidavits from witnesses: 22 July River of Kilmarr
Examination of John Wills, taken on board the Bonaventure before Walter Ward, Deputy Vice-Admiral:
He deposes that Vicente Fita, now captain of the Misericordia St Ano, was the same man that took Mr Isaac twelve leagues from Dungarvan on the 15th May 1633. He took away Isaac's money and plate and deponent's clothes. They were robbed in the White Hart of Bristol.
(SPI 254, 145, 1 and 2)
Same and 24 July
Affidavit of Richard Isaac of Ballinskelligs, Co. Kerry, concerning the Spanish Captive.
Saw ship loading pipe staves in river of Kilmarr. Assured himself of its identity with ship which had robbed him last year. Identifies the Spanish captain on oath as the man who robbed him. Remembers an English gunner on board, a short, ruddy man of middle height, about 25 years old. Before taking him, the Spanish captain took a Plymouth ship, and tortured the mate and his boy by burning matches between their fingers, to make them say what money was on board the ship. Heard this from the mate Williams. Six weeks after the capture, heard of Spaniards riding in the Sound of the Durseys. Crew landed in shallops at Island of Inish, in river of Kilmarr, and took nineteen sheep. Heard that they had thrown a Plymouth sailor overboard.
(SPI 254, 145, 3)

December 1635- Extract from letter of John Plumleigh to his son Sir Richard Plumleigh- Dartmouth: [lxiii]

Wishes his Majesty would send a ship to guard the western coast, for there are two of three Dunkirkers which lie between Dartmouth and Plymouth, right off the Start, and that week they had taken two French ships coming from the banks laden with fish, and set on shore 28 men which came to that town, for whom (to their great charge) they can as yet get no passage. No ship, if they may overcome them goes free from pillage. A ship of Dartmouth which came in yesterday met with one of them, from whom they took green ginger, potatoes and other commodities, and another ship which came from Bordeaux, they have taken to Dunkirk, alleging the wine to belong to Flemings.

A series of letters between Captain Plumleigh and Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel are of interest:[lxvi]

When the King of Bohemia died of the plague in 1632, King Charles I invited his sister the Queen of Bohemia to England and decided to dispatch the Earl of Arundel on a special embassy to Holland to collect her, Captain Richard Plumleigh commanding the ‘Victory’ was deputed to take him across. A party of 150 accompanied him to attend the funeral of the King. Plumleigh deemed the weather was not suitable and the letters between Arundel and Plumleigh show Arundel accusing Plumleigh of neglect of courtesy. He then demands Plumleigh come ashore and attend him. They sail for Holland where they find the Queen reluctant to leave for England, fearing it may prejudice the prospects of her children.

Letters

Captain Plumleigh, a well-known officer of the royal navy, was in command of the ships ordered to convey the expedition to Holland. Having arrived as far as Rochester on his way to the coast, Lord Arundel addressed to him the following directions to prepare for sailing.

The Earl of Arundel to Captain Plumleigh

Capt: Plumleigh,

Being come this farre on my way, I have thought good to send this bearer, expressly sent you to let you know that I intend that the Victory (the Flagship), being Admiral, be made ready for the transportation of myself and those that I have appointed to attend me, according to a note I sent you herewithall. The Rere Admirall (2^nd ship of the convoy) is to be made ready for my Lorde Goring and his Company, the Vice admiral (3^rd ship of the convoy) for Sir Ro: Anstruther, and the St Denis to be left behind for bringing the Victualls now preparing for the Queens of Bohemia and her trayne, according to the direction I have sent you by this bearer my Servant. I purpose, God willing, to be with you on Saturday, and the wind continuing fair, do intend to embark the same day. And therefore I desire you to use all diligence that the Shippes may be in the readiness accordingly.

Rochester, the 27^th of December 1632

Captain Plumleigh to the Earl of Arundel

Right Honorable and my very good Lorde, etc.

According to your Lords: Ire and list, I have taken order for the accommodation of your Lords: trayne and attendants. The Hoigh (tender?) with your Lords: provisions is by us, but the weather is so rough that as yet we cannot by any means shippe them without endangering the spoyle both of the Hoigh and them. No time shall be lost to give your Lords: satisfaction in all points. The wind is now in a bad point for Holland, neither are the Pilots arrived from the Trinity house which are to take charge of the shippes over, but I am confident they will speedily be here. At Margett your Lords: may find reasonable entertainment till the wind come up fair for your passage; and I, according to your Lords: order, will there attend with the 3 shippes till your Lords: be pleased to command me away: who am

Your Lords: most humble Servant

Ricd Plumleigh

From on board His Majesties shippe the Victory in Margett Roade, Dec 28 (1632)

For His Majesties special service- To the right Honorable my very good Lord the Earl of Arundell and Surrey, Earl Marshall of England and Lord Ambassador for his Majestir… at Cantebury

From his Majesties sjippe the Victory in Margett Roade December 28 at 6 in the evening. Ricd Plumleigh

P314

Captain Plumleigh to the Earl of Arundel

Right Honorable and my very good Lorde, etc.

The wind is come up fair since my last letter to your Lordes: and it is pitty to loose a breath of it, if it may be saved; but as yet your Lords: provisions are not shipped, nor any Pilot come down from London to take charge of the shippes, though I writ for them with all expedition within an hour after I herd of your Lords: going upon this employment. Haply at Dover and Sandwich there may be found some men able to undertake the charge, but in these ports no warrant of ours takes any place for imprest, so that I must beseech your Lords: to direct your letters to Sir Edward Dering and the Mayor of Sandwich, for the speedy sending of such men as they know fir for this service; and they may easily be here before your Lords: can be embarqued for your voyage if there be a convenient care taken by them for their dispatch away by to morrow morning. God preserve your Lords:

Your Lords: most humble Servant

Recd Plumleigh

Victory, Dec:29 1632

If the wind had veered for the better in the Channel, a less favourable change had occurred in the mental atmosphere of the principal person concerned. Lord Arundel conceived that Plumleigh had failed to show him the respect due to his person and his mission by not immediately coming to meet him on his arrival at Margate. At once his easily ignited irascibility was aflame.

The Earl of Arundel to Captain Plumleigh

Captaine Plumley

Since your own discretion serves you not to come ashore, or at least to send me some of yours to attend me, especially having sent my servant expressly before, to give you intimation of the certain time of my coming hither; the important necessity of my imbarking with all convenient diligence; and the uncertainty of the ture cause of this strange neglect, in a business so nearly concerning his Majesties service considered: I have thought good by this letter to command you to come instantly ashore, that understanding from you the reason of this delay, I may take some due course, as is fit in a business of this nature, to the end that what inconvenience may hereafter arise by this your neglect, I may lay the fault upon the right cause.

Margate, 29 December 1632

It may at once be said that this burst of anger quickly yielded to the sense of justice which as happily not long in re-asserting itself. Indeed Lord Arundel’s desire to make amends to Captain Plumleigh, largely contributed, in the sequel, to that officer’s professional advancement.

Letters from the mayors of Sandwich and Dover to Lord Arundel show that the difficulty respecting the pilots was satisfactorily solved. On the night of December 30, the little convoy set sail.

The letters despatched took long to arrive in England. Meanwhile while Captain Plumleigh applied for directions as to the return voyage which shows that the quarrel with Lord Arundel had quite blown over. Arundel had evidently written himself to Sir John Coke to soften the impression made by the irate epistle despatched from Margate. A letter from the Secretary of State, of the 11^th January, notes that the writer “forbare to press the neglect of the Captaine at Margate, because he afterwards gave… better satisfaction.” Plumleigh himself wrote to Edward Norgate full of gratitude for his intervention, which seems to have been both tactful and kindly.

1633 Capt Plumleigh to Edward Norgate

Stormy winds had hitherto made plans for departure impracticable. “The Dutch witches are all at worke, or else we could never meet with such weather”, wrote the bluff Captain Plumleigh to Edward Norgate. At length the skies cleared; and Lord Arundel hastened to rejoin the ships lying at Helvoets Sluis, while the conditions remained favourable.

The two elder sons of the Queen of Bohemia, Prince Charles Louise, now Elector Palatine, and Prince Rupert, accompanied him to the place of embarkation and on board the ‘Victory’; an arrangement which Lord Arundel evidently enjoyed hardly less than the young princes themselves. The latter were now respectively sixteen and fourteen years of age. Arundel seems to have been detained at Helvoets Sluis some days after their departure; whether by insufficient wind (for the weather was fine) or by unexpected political delays, does not appear.

Arundel wrote to the Queen thanking her for sending the princes to see our kinds ships: “I must not forget to tell the king your Master, how sweetly and discreetly the prince Elector observed as soon as he was in the ship, that now he was in a part of his uncles dominions, and how heartily Prince Rupert rejoiced when he came in sight of them, and would needs help to row towards them.”

As one can conclude from Richard Plumleigh’s correspondence, he was an extraordinary man with a strong, no-nonsense personality and a dry wit, held in obvious high regard by King Charles I and the Commissioners of the Admiralty.

DEATH

Sir Richard Plumleigh died in 1636.
In the late summer of 1636, Wenthworth wrote that 'poor Sir Richard Plumleigh is reported to be in Kinsale, distracted' (G. Radcliffe, The Earl of Strafforde's Letters, ed. W. Knowler, 1739, 2.34).

A letter written on Oct 6, 1636 indicated that all was not well with Plumleigh’s mental health:[lxiv]

Kenrick Edisbury to Edward Nicholas:
Sir Richard Plumleigh is well in health, but often in fits of some sort of melancholy distraction, not remembering where he is, nor what he intends to do.
His command of the Leopard ceased on 7 October 1636, and he probably died shortly after.

The Devon Record Office (ref 4625M-0/Z/8 nd, held by Devon Record Office) has a Record of the deaths of Admiral Sir Richard Plumleigh 1636, and his family. Verso: inventory of silver.[lxv]

Property in Will- Land in Islington valued at £200 p.a. left to wife.
(M.A.E. Green (ed.), Calendar of the proceedings of the committee for advance of money, 1642-1656, 3, PRO (1888), 1177)

Richard's father, John Plumleigh, outlived his son and his will is in State Archives UK:
The Will of John Plumleigh, Gentleman of Dartmouth, Devon, dated 28 February 1642 (PROB 11/205/512).
John Plumleigh mentions his grandson Charles Plumleigh in his will.

State Records also contain an undated petition, 1669?, addressed to the King, from Eleanor wife of Alex Gordon and daughter of Sir Rich. Plumleigh, for an order to the Bishop of London to license a Protestant and conformable schoolmaster to teach in the house of her husband as a schoolmaster, and for leave that her husband, though a Roman Catholic, may teach under him; he has been molested and sent to Newgate for his religion, though he has a certificate for not meddling with that of the children whom he educates; her father served the late King 22 years as Admiral of the Irish Seas, and had his house at Milton by Dartmouth, co. Devon, burnt.
(SP.29/270 f.34 p.643)

The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, G.G. Harris summed up the man:
As a naval officer Plumleigh was a man of action, eager to be at sea, but pushy, complaining, in need of reassurance, ingratiating, and anxious to keep on the right side of men of influence, such as Edward Nicholas of the admiralty. He was very worried when he offended the earl of Arundal. Relations with his immediate naval superiors were poor. Sir Henry Mervyn described him as 'magnifico like', who made a 'noise of nothing', and there was continual bickering with John Pennington.
Early in 1632, when Sir Thomas Button, admiral of the Irish Seas, sickened, Plumleigh replaced him, and became a gentleman of the privy chamber extraordinary on 4 March 1633.
(G.G. Harris, Plumleigh, Sir Richard (b.1595/6, d.c.1636), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, online ed. Jan 2008, accessed 10 Dec 2013)

Contact email butler1802 @hotmail.com (no spaces)

[i] www.dartmouth-history.org.uk/dartmouth/main.asp -

[ii] Inner Temple Admissions Database- http://www.innertemple.org.uk/history/caldendars-of-inner-temple-records-1505-1845

[iii] Calendar of State Papers; Acts of the Privy Council of England, AD 1542- 1631, Vol. 37: 1619-1621; James I; Entry No.[48]; Doc Ref. PC 2/30 f.277, p. 25 Date 24 August 1619

[iv] CSP, DOM, James I, Vol. CX, 38.II; SP 14/110 f.59 p.73 date ?Aug 1619

[v] SP 14/110 f.59 p.73, date ?Aug 1619

[vi] SP 14/110 f.58 p.73 date ?Aug 1619

[vii] SP 16/1/f.122 p.13 date 25 April 1625

[viii] SP 16/86 f.111, p. 468 14 dec 1627

[ix] SP 16/101 f.17 date 14 April 1628

[x] SP 16/101 f.19)

[xi] SP/ 16/101 f. f15 14 April 1628

[xii] SP 16/109 f.48 Date 7 July 1628

[xiii] Andrew Thrush and John P Feriis (editors), The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1604-1629, , 2010, Cambridge University Press ( re: Sir Edward Nicholas) online

[xiv] Commons Debates 1628: 28/5-26/6 edit. by Mary Frear Keeler, Maija Jansson Cole, and William B. Bidwell, Yale Center for Parliamentary History, 1978, p201 9 June 1628

[xv] Andrew Derek Thrush, The Navy under Charles I 1625-40” , University College- Ph.D. Dissertation, 1990, p.28

[xvi] SP 16/143 f. 120 date 28 May 1629

[xvii] SP 16/144 f. 74 Date 5 June 1629

[xviii] SP 16/144 f.94. date 9 June 1629

[xix] SP 16/144 f.130 date 15 June 1629

[xx] SP 16/147 f.78 date 28 July 1629

[xxi] SP 16/149 f.77 date 17 Sept 1629

[xxii] SP 16/149 f.116 date 24 Sept 1629

[xxiii] SP 16/149 f.143 date 26 Sept 1629

[xxiv] SP 16/150 f.20 date 3 Oct 1629; SP 16/150 f.21- 3 Oct 1629

[xxv] SP 16/151 f.46 date 7 Nov 1629

[xxvi]Andrew Derek Thrush, The Navy under Charles I 1625-40” , University College- Ph.D. Dissertation, 1990, P137

[xxvii] SP 16/164 f.108 date 17 April 1630

[xxviii] SP 16/165 f.17 date 22 April 1630

[xxix] SP16/168 f.36 date 6 June 1630

[xxx] SP16/168 f.38 date 6 June 1630

[xxxi] SP 16/531 f.68 date 7 July 1630

[xxxii] SP 16/172 f.59 date 10 Aug 1630

[xxxiii] SP 16/172 f.73 date 13 Aug 1630

[xxxiv] SP 16/172 f.59- date10 Aug 1630

[xxxv] SP 16/172 f.150 date 29 Aug 1630

[xxxvi] SP 16/173 f.60 date 18 Sept 1630

[xxxvii] SP 16/186 f.45 date 13 Mar 1631

[xxxviii] SP 16/186 f.132 date 14 Mar 1631

[xxxix] Andrew Derek Thrush, The Navy under Charles I 1625-40” , University College- Ph.D. Dissertation, 1990, p153; Thrush’s sources: ( SP 16/186/94 14 March 1631 Plumleigh to Nicholas; CSPD 1631-3, p292 warrant, 23 March 1632; PRO E403/1746, n.f. payment 26 April 1632. Plumleigh even had to badger Pye once payment had been warranted: PRO SP 16/215/69)

[xl]SP 16/192 f.46 date 24 May 1631

[xli] SP 16/198 f. 108 date 29 Aug 1631

[xlii] SP 16/200 f.20 date Sept 1631

[xliii] SP 16/157 f.126 date 26 Nov 1632

[xliv] SP 16/226 f.48) date 9 Dec 1632

[xlv] SP 16/226 f.90 date 19 Dec 1632

[xlvi] SP 16/228 f.25 date 15 Feb 1633

[xlvii] SP 16/232 f.118 date 18 Feb 1633

[xlviii] SP 16/232 f.134 date 20 feb 1633

[xlix] Thomas Wemyss Fulton, The Sovereignty of the Sea: An Historical Account of the Claims of England…”, 1^st pub 1911, pp.280-281

[l] SP 16/228 f.34 date 12 Mar 1633

[li] SP 16/228 f.44 date 6 April 1633

[lii] SP 16/157 f.132 date 11 May 1633

[liii] SP 16/224 f.47 date 26 Aug 1633

[liv] Letters and Dispatches, Volume I, of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, ed by William Knowler, London,, 1739, p.152

[lv] SP 16/228 f.123 date 24 Feb 1634

[lvi] Andrew Derek Thrush, The Navy under Charles I 1625-40” , University College- Ph.D. Dissertation, 1990, p167- his ref: SP 63/254/122 7 May 1634 Plumleigh to Nicholas

[lvii] SP 16/264 f.85 date 27 Feb 1634

[lviii] SP 16/157 f. 135 date 8 March 1634

[lix] SP 63/254 f.289 date 6 June 1634

[lx] SP 63/254 f.314 date 28 June 1634

[lxi] SP 63/254 f. 312 date 2 July 1634

[lxii] SP 63/254 f.432 date 9 Sept 1634

[lxiii] SP 16/305 f.233 date Dec 1635

[lxiv] SP 16/333 f.52 Date Oct 6 1636

[lxv] The Devon Record Office (ref 4625M-0/Z/8 nd, held by Devon Record Office) - Record of the deaths of Admiral Sir Richard Plumleigh 1636, and his family. Verso: inventory of silver.

(http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/a2a/records.aspx?cat=027-4625m0&cid=8-8#8-8)

[lxvi] Mary F.S. Hervey, The Life and Correspondence and Collections of Thomas Howard Earl of Arundel, Cambridge University Press, 1921, Ch. XXIII Embassy to Holland 1632-1633

Pp 312 +

19 August 2013

Chin-Haddock family-Ch.5: Captain Sir Richard Plumleigh